[EM] Advanced Voting Systems: the Dirty Little Secret
Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
abd at lomaxdesign.com
Wed Dec 24 09:28:33 PST 2008
At 11:33 PM 12/21/2008, Michael Allan wrote:
>Hi Abd,
>
> > His solution just could make advanced voting systems moot, intellectual
> > curiosities, unusual of application. Allow the first preference candidate
> > on the ballot to "own" the votes, to be reassigned at the discretion of
> > this candidate, "as if it were their own property." Smith used the "asset"
> > metaphor, which is the same. Candidate proxy, though, is more descriptive,
> > that's what it is, so here I will use that term.
>
>I'm interested in how this meshes with continuous voting. I haven't
>read Carroll's pamphlet [1]. I read some of Duncan Black's analysis
>of it. He says that the votes are alienated from the original
>casters. Candidates treat them "as if they were their own private
>property" [2, quoting Carroll].
I haven't been able to find the original pamphlet yet, it's expensive
to buy the collection it is in. Eventually, I'll get it.
"Alienated" should be considered a relative term. Compared to what?
Compared to standard representative democracy, far, far less. Sure,
voters could change their minds, and are stuck until the next
election. But how likely is this when voters have almost total
freedom to pick the candidate they most trust? If access to
"candidacy" is made easy, this is really, in practice, unrestricted;
in particular, if the voter doesn't trust anyone sufficiently, the
voter *could* register as a candidate, if it is made easy enough. In
fact, what I've proposed is that registration, per se, is free. What
one gets is a number or unique code that can be used on the ballot.
What may cost a (small) fee is baving one's availability printed in a
directory, a booklet available on-line and at polling places. The
polling place booklet would have a deadline sufficient to allow
printing. Etc....
Continuous voting has a problem with public elections where control
of sovereign power is involved, and that is security. If the
mechanisms of vote transfer are hidden, how can we be sure, as the
public, that those who control the site have not subverted it, or
that others haven't hacked it. It becomes a relatively vulnerable
target, compared to the possible benefits, to the fraud, of success.
Put a trillion dollars behind hacking a supposedly secure system,
which side would you bet on?
In this "secure system," it's almost certain that *somebody* can
access true identities. Wholesale. Thus the protections of secret
ballot are lost. An Asset system creates a subset of voters who are
"public voters." Under difficult conditions, public voters can be
restricted to those who represent enough voters that providing
security is practical. That security is not practical for single
voters; there is also a possible problem in allowing electors only
supported by one or two: possible small-scale coercion. However, my
own opinion is that this would be rare enough, and could be address
through ordinary laws against coercion and intimidation, that it
would have no effect on outcomes. I mention it because the possible
examples *are* raised: Spouse says to spouse: vote for me or else
I'll beat you to a pulp or freeze you out in some way. Spouse gets no
vote, except his or her own? But intimidated people, on that scale,
if it's likely to succeed, are already intimidated and quite likely
to vote as coerced. I don't think it is or will be a big enough
factor to stand public policy on it. I'm much more worried about
organized violence against voters who vote the "wrong" way, and an
ordinary secret ballot/Asset system isn't exposed to that to any
significant degree.
>But if the votes were open to recasting in real time, then they'd no
>longer be alienable. They'd remain the "property" of the original
>casters, firmly in their hands *despite* the fact of delegation.
>(This is an interesting combination.)
It's Delegable Proxy. That is the principal difference between
Delegable Proxy -- which is continuously reassignable -- and Asset
Voting. Asset is DP with a secret ballot layer, done with elections
on some interval, with some possibility of special elections with
certain triggers. Given that voting in an Asset election could be
made very easy, that campaign costs disappear, that all that needs to
happen is that voters affirm whom they most trust, and they will
presumably know this person well and many will watch closely what the
Asset elector does, many of our assumptions about elections might go
away. Some people still won't vote, but they will be people who
generally trust what the rest of the public is doing. Seriously
discontented? Why not vote? The voter *will* be counted, it will do
something. Under current conditions, serious discontent will often
result in effective apathy. Or, in the other direction, in violent
action against governmental power, with an anger that is against the
majority and all who conspire with it. This is the kind of response
that motivated Timothy McVeigh.
It is possible to avoid this except with the truly insane.
>Who was the first to explore the idea of recasting votes in a
>continuous proxy election? Do you know of any sources?
I don't know. Continuous proxy exists, shareholders can change their
proxies at any time; but *normally* proxies only count at the annual
meeting. However, in theory, shareholders can demand a special
meeting, if they can assemble enough votes. (i.e., share proxies).
Any organization which allows proxy voting is, for practical
purposes, continuous proxy. And that's very, very old, it's common
law with property rights. It's been generally shut out when property
rights aren't involved; however, the reasons seem to mostly have to
do with proxies *not* normally being used; a sudden gathering of
proxies can then unfairly shift results. There are easy ways to deal
with this, though. The other reason wouldn't be formally stated: not
allowing proxy voting preserves the power of the highly involved,
those with the strongest interests *and* the time to pursue them by
attending meetings in person, too bad for single parents, etc.
The fear is the basic fear of democracy. However, I consider directed
voting, which is what many seem to associate with proxy voting in
small organizations which have prohibited it, to be something quite
different from a proxy who simply votes the proxy's own best opinion,
which vote may then be weighted according to the number of voters
assigning trust. Thus we are *not* looking at a dangerous populist
system, especially of proxies come to be assigned on a small scale,
people understanding that if they give their votes to a massively
popular politician, they get far less than they do if they give it to
someone they can sit down and talk with on occasion. In the latter
case, they gain a communications channel, in the former, they simply
support an image they have been presented.
It's common to mistrust politicians. The mistrust is well-founded:
present systems encourage politicians to tell people what they know
people want to hear. People will, at present, vote for someone who is
telling them what they want to hear, *even though they suspect the
person is lying,* because they hope that, to some degree at least,
the politician will perform or attempt to perform on those promises,
to preserve his or her own power. It makes sense. Given the present
system, where they really don't have a better choice.
> [1]. Lewis Carroll. 1884. The Principles of Parliamentary
> Representation. Harrison and Sons. London.
>
> [2]. Duncan Black. 1969. Lewis Carroll and the theory of games.
> The American Economic Review. 59(2), p. 210.
Carroll was the first I know of to propose votes transferable by the
first preference candidate. He was concerned with proportional
representation and how to deal with the problem of voters not knowing
enough to intelligently rank more than one or maybe a few candidates,
and thus the alternate problems of exhausted, unused ballots or
useless rankings that reflect, if anything, nothing more than name
recognition without hatred attached to it.
I don't know that he realized the deeper implications, that this
tweak to STV could become the whole show, and lead to quasi-direct
democracy. Once there are electors holding votes, and those votes are
cast publicly, the problem of scale that afflicts direct democracy
and is generally considered insoluble, is solved -- or reduced by an
order or by orders of magnitude.
Representative democracy arose from two directions: systems where the
representatives were appointed by the sovereign became
representatives appointed by an election process, or direct
democracies ran into the problem of scale and then decided to use
elections, not knowing an alternative. Pure Asset isn't really an
election, it's the naming of a proxy, a pure and possibly
unconstrained choice, except for the time constraint. (The proxy
isn't revocable until the next election.)
Beyond that initial election, however, votes may be continuously
reassignable, that's possible and even desirable. I.e., the electors
may use a form of delegable proxy to facilitate amalgamation to
create seats -- or to remove them or advise them. (And to be advised.)
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