[EM] danger of coercion (Re: First U.S. Scientific Election Audit...)
Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
abd at lomaxdesign.com
Sun May 13 19:22:39 PDT 2007
At 03:06 AM 5/13/2007, Juho wrote:
>On May 13, 2007, at 6:16 , Abd ul-Rahman Lomax wrote:
>
>>I have also considered that, where
>>coerced cooperation is a reasonable possibility, a certain percentage
>>of ballots could be extracted and separately counted under closed
>>conditions. Images of these ballots would not be made public.
>
>A simple and quite effective rule is to simply reject all votes that
>have additional markings. Simple ballot format (not much information,
>not much writing to do) makes identification of coerced ballots more
>difficult, and reduces the number of rejected ballots (with the rule
>described above), and the need to fill another ballot if the voter
>spoils the first one.
Consider what actually happened in Florida. The ballot design made
some people erroneously identify the position to punched for Gore,
and they punched Buchanan. Then they recognized their error, and,
perhaps dreaming that Florida law would be followed -- which required
ballots with a clear expression of intention to be counted -- they
punched Gore as well, then wrote in Gore. Extraneous marks.
And any write-in candidate involves extraneous marks. What is the
situation now if a voter writes in the name of a candidate who is
also on the ballot? I think the law would require the vote to be counted.
I suggested that, where there is concern about coercion, ballots with
extraneous markings be handled specially. But I think that, in most
election environments here in the U.S., the problem is largely
illusory. The problem of miscounted ballots is very real. Note that
all the arguments about coerced ballots and vote buying neglect that
ballots are already seen by election officials, and they can really
be seen by anyone who is willing to pay an official to stand there
and watch (in addition to standard election observers). Incumbents,
in general, may have access to the ballots (not necessarily legally,
but in practice). Keeping the ballots private, so that only a few can
see them, does not necessarily prevent the most serious election
fraud: that which unjustly maintains incumbents in office. Fraud and
corruption thrive in secrecy.
>>(2) Direct democracy generally requires open voting. Coercion seems
>>to be rare;
>
>Open voting opens a door to coercion.
Of course. But (1) coercion is illegal. Very illegal. and, since it
has a victim, it has someone who would quite possibly cooperate with
authorities in prosecuting it. And (2) My point was that existing
democratic process in some places is open. Town Meeting: all votes
are cast in public. State law here in Massachusetts does require
secret ballot for some kinds of votes, and we see that sometimes the
secret polls differ in result from what Town Meeting has openly
decided, but the difference is highly likely to be participation
bias, from what I've seen.
> A violent husband of might
>easily tell his wife how to vote.
Or a "violent wife." Or maybe just pushy.
Is she going to require him to mark the ballot so that she can see
how he voted? And if he does not, she is going to beat him up anyway?
And, something seems to be forgotten here. Elections are about
aggregating votes. Rarely do a few votes matter. There is little
reason to believe that, in the vast majority of elections, one side
would be more likely to have violent spouses coercing votes, so such
votes would, to some degree, cancel each other out, even if the
victim cooperated. Someone with a violent spouse has a lot more to
worry about than voting, I'm sure; I think that standing the whole
system on its head to avoid a very theoretical and unlikely scenario is nuts.
It's specifically illegal to attempt to coerce voters. This might
just give that abused spouse the ammunition they need....
> Open votes also are likely to lead
>to less votes to candidates that represent minorities and/or values
>that the voter does not want to reveal publicly. This could apply to
>minorities (political, ethnic, sexual, religious) or any deviation
>from the family, village, working place or country tradition and
>favoured values.
Let me point out that in such an environment -- i.e., a minority
position is being hidden -- that minority position is unlikely to win
elections. However:
This is crazy: it has not been proposed that elections be public,
only that ballots be public. The ballots do not identify the voters,
unless the voter deliberately acts to identify the ballot, which, as
we noted, in some cases would invalidate the ballot. *This risk
already exists,* especially where ballots allow write-in votes.
"Extraneous marks" do not include write-in votes. But you can write
in any name you like, including your own.
In the situation described, a voter who feared that a vote would be
considered "deviant" simply would not make any marks to identify the
ballot. Why would he or she do this?
No, there are only two residual issues: vote-buying, where the voter
is induced to vote for some consideration, and the buyer wants proof,
and coercion which requires the victim to mark the ballot. The former
is controversial as an actual problem; and vote-buying does seem to
take place, rarely, but without validation of the vote. The buyer
simply assumes that the voter will vote as bought, fair and square.
(There was a Miami mayoral election reversed because of allegations
of vote-buying, but my take on the situation is that the candidate
tossed out of office was himself a victim. Even if he was a
Republican. It is highly unlikely that vote-buying actually turned
that election; rather, the court decided that all absentee ballots
would be considered suspect and disregarded because some may have
been bought.... a very strange decision, actually.)
This leaves coerced marking of ballots. Marking of ballots to verify
voting has been done, and still can be done. It does not depend on
ballot imaging! But I doubt that elections are being turned, anywhere
in the U.S., based on such coercion. Rather, they are being turned by
biased counting of votes. We have a *real* problem, a serious one,
and a very obvious solution is being discounted because of a small
and quite possibly imaginary risk.
>>I'm sure that
>>people do sometimes alter their votes because they think they will
>>not be popular; but actual coercion is another matter.
>
>I note that you already covered the "popular opinions". I think the
>border line between following popular opinions and being coerced is
>not a clear one.
That's correct. However, having lived in a Town Meeting town, I'd say
that Town Meeting debate was spirited, and there were plenty of
people willing to voice unpopular opinions. When you have true
democracy in government, people are fierce about defending it. Town
Meeting is not perfect, it suffers from participation bias.
But, in any case, this is moot. We are not proposing public voting,
only that public voting does exist and does not seem to have the
level of problem that is being asserted.
Note that if you hold a very unpopular opinion and voice it at a Town
Meeting, you could suffer approbation and, in rare circumstances,
actual violence. But this is a quite different problem. Such opinions
are not going to win votes before a Town Meeting, they probably would
never even get to a vote. While free speech is important -- very
important -- it is not protected by keeping ballots sequestered. It
is not even protected by requiring secret ballot. After all, a ballot
is not a speech, it is an act. And if an act is so unpopular that to
take it carries the kind of risk being described, it is not going to
be politically effective. If that act is voting for a candidate, that
candidate is not going to win, at least not in plurality or Approval
or Range environments.
But there is a place for secret ballot. It validates that what is
happening publicly does, in fact, have genuine support, that it is
not coerced -- or, alternatively, that there is some disconnect,
which might be coercion, or it might be participation bias. (The
people who actually participate in Town Meeting are not a
cross-section of the population; rather, they are a skewed sample, in
various ways.)
> Also border line between individual voters being
>coerced vs. whole society "banning" some opinions is not clear.
>Therefore secret ballots are a good main rule (exceptions allowed but
>justification needed).
Secret ballot can be appropriate for elections; but I would reverse
what was said here. Secret ballot, in a mature system, would be the
exception, not the rule. The proof, however, that secret ballots were
not generally necessary would be that secret ballot merely confirmed
what was happening publicly. Further, with Asset Voting, it is
possible for citizens to decide whether they will vote publicly or privately.
> Strict rules that try to eliminate coercion in
>individual cases even if the coerced votes would not have any
>meaningful impact on the overall result is (in addition to protecting
>the rights of the individuals) a good precaution that aims at
>guaranteeing that the system will not one day start to corrupt as a
>whole.
It's quite difficult to corrupt direct democracy. Once the transfers
of power happen secretly, it becomes easier to corrupt. Why is this
so difficult to understand?
My right to have my vote counted accurately is being infringed. I
know that it has been personally infringed in at least one case; and
it only happens that there was one case in which I could know: it was
a write-in vote that wasn't counted. Or, more accurately, it was
counted -- an observer remembered the name being mentioned -- but it
was not recorded. My right to be protected against coercion, I do not
depend on the rules of secret ballots for. I depend on the police and
the legal system. Try to coerce my vote, I would appear to cooperate.
And I'd wear a wire.
(Now, if the coercer had control of the police, obviously, this would
not work. But we are back where we started. Secret ballot and the
sequestering of ballots away from public view does not protect us
from coercion where it really hurts: by the authorities.)
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