[EM] RV comments
Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
abd at lomaxdesign.com
Fri Jul 20 12:19:06 PDT 2007
At 07:20 AM 7/20/2007, Michael Ossipoff wrote:
>First the desirability argument, and then the meaningfulness argument.
>
>Desirability:
>
>The Rangers believe in social utility, its maximization, as the
>literal be-all and end-all of criteria.
Ossipoff is arguing as if we have a political situation, "our" side
and "their" side....
If there are a handful of Range Voting supporters who believe as he
claims, well, I'd be hard put to name more than one. The one of us
who seems to have such a "belief" is someone quite like Ossipoff: a
tenacious and highly argumentative individual. Most of us, though,
see "social utility" as a *measure* of election success, which is far
more than a criterion. Election criteria, generally, are pass-fail
measures. A method either satisfies the Condorcet Criterion or it
does not, at least if the Criterion is sufficiently well-defined.
But SU, properly considered, can *measure* the *relative* success of
election methods. And, frankly, I don't see, yet, any alternative,
beyond assuming that this or that Criterion is superior. Yes, there
is what we might call an SU Criterion, which would be defined,
perhaps, as "does the method always choose the SU maximizer?"
But no method on the table satisfies that. If, somehow, we could
force voters to vote true, absolute utility, by some commensurable
measure -- a rather difficult concept in itself -- then Range would
*by definition* choose the SU maximizer. The closest we can get to
this would be "elections" where the outcomes have clear economic
consequences, with voters who are somehow motivated to vote
accurately, and even in this, there is a problem: a dollar for a poor
person is worth more than a dollar for a rich one. How to make the
utilities commensurable?
But this doesn't mean we can't use utility as a measure, in
simulations. We do, in fact, use them by assuming that we know the
true utilities, and we use distributions of utilities that, with
varying degrees of sophistication and accuracy, reflect what happens
in the real world. These are simulated voters, and, since we control
the simulation, we know -- because we assume it -- the underlying,
honest and accurate utilities.
Then, from this, we predict the voter's behavior in an election,
using various known strategies, from direct voting of absolute
utilities (and, yes, there is a way to simulate absolute utilities;
we essentially equate, between voters, the absolute worst outcome
with the absolute best outcome, among *all* possibilities, not just
the particular candidates in the immediate election, for each voter.
In the end, though, this is just a measure, and it is possible that
there are other measures. There is an "Approval" measure, but it is
quite problematic in itself. The Approval measure maximizes
"approval" of the candidate. While I haven't see this from Approval
advocates, I would define this as the voter would rather elect the
candidate than see the office go vacant.
However, if we want to test how voters behave with regard to the
Approval measure, aside from using real-world polls, we would need,
probably, to do the *same* kind of simulation as was described above,
because the various utilities generated randomly in the simulation
can be used to estimate whether or not the voter will approve of the candidate.
However, Approval is, in fact, a Range method. We can expect that,
generally, the SU maximizer will also maximize Approval, though bare
Approval, being binary in expression, loses data and thus cannot be
accurate with respect to *relative approval,* i.e., Approval does not
discriminate between two candidates where the voter disapproves of
both of them, thus, if the ultimate contest is pairwise between those
two, the voter's opinion is utterly disregarded, whereas in Range, it
is possible that the voter's satisfaction still retains some significance.
Let's see what Ossipoff does:
> Say, for the moment, we disregard the fact that the SU claims
> depend on sincere voting, and that sincere voting is nearly always
> suboptimal in RV.
Ossipoff continually makes this claim. It's false. "Suboptimal" is
the trick. It is suboptimal, true, from the point of view of the
individual voter maximizing his or her own personal utility, *in some
scenarios.* In others, it is clearly optimal to vote "sincerely."
There are a series of problems. First of all, "sincere" vote requires
some serious work to define. It is far from clear what a "sincere"
Range vote is. We can defined a "clearly insincere" vote as being one
where the range ratings reverse preference. But this is never
strategically forced in Range; if a voter does it, it would be for
reasons other than trying to get the best outcome, since you never
hurt your expectations by voting your favorite maximum, or, indeed,
by voting in reverse preference.
What Ossipoff is talking about is voting "Approval style," in Range.
But this isn't "insincere," it merely does not disclose the voter's
full and accurate estimations of personal satisfaction with the
outcome. If I prefer A>B>C, and those are the only options, it's
clear that I optimize my expectation by voting A max, B min, but
where do I rate B? In simulations, we sidestep the problem,
initially. We have *numbers* for the candidate utilities, as seen by
the voter, and we *assume* that the scale is linear. That is, we
scale is forced to be linear; if it were not linear, nevertheless we
can assume that it is monotonic, i.e., that preferences are, for an
individual, in sequence such that we never get a Condorcet cycle
*within an individual voter*. And then we can simply transform the
utilities from the original "scale" into what is linear, i.e., we can
add utilities and get a meaningful result.
Where do I rate B? Well, if the B utility is midway between A and C,
we can define a "sincere" rating of B as 50%. If we have rated A max
and C min. However, that max and min rating is itself a full
disclosure of the utilities, the ratings have been normalized to the
election candidate set, causing loss of absolute utilities.
It never hurts the voter personally to normalize in that way. But it
might hurt society, overall. Nevertheless, in large public elections,
we can assume that the ways in which it could possibly hurt would be
rare, due normally to the kind of fluctuations that can cause damage
will average out.
But what if the *real* pairwise election is between A and B? And C is
actually irrelevant, C has no chance of being elected. Well, then I'd
rate B min also. And in the reverse case, i.e., the real election is
between B and C, then I'd rate B max. And if the real election is
between A and C, I might as well rate B sincerely, i.e., 50%, it's
not going to hurt me.
So far, this is what would be meant by Ossipoff claiming that
"sincere voting is nearly always suboptimal in Range Voting."
But what if the voter does not know who the two frontrunners are?
What if the probability of election is equal for all three
candidates? Well, in this case, the optimal vote is clear: rate B
sincerely, i.e., at 50%.
So the kind of voting that is optimal depends on the relative
probabilities of election, as estimated by the voter. Sometimes it is
what we might call "sincere," but it is *never* insincere. It is
merely, in some circumstances "magnified," or "truncated." Let me
explain truncation in this context:
It means that the voter has a set of utilities that range outside the
election set. Candidates having utilities falling outside the range
are "truncated" or "rounded off" to the limits of the election
ratings. This is *not* insincere, rather, the voter is not normalizing.
> Even then, even in principle, RV advocacy is really only based on
> a subjective personal opinion.
That's a subjective personal opinion, and not only about election
methods, but about people, and Ossipoff is a notoriously bad judge of people.
> The opinion that it's more important to maximize the sum of
> everyone's happiness than it is to minimize the number of people to
> whom the outcome is unacceptable.
It's true that it is an opinion; however, it is an opinion that is
almost the definition of sanity; not caring about the satisfaction of
others is sociopathic.
Ossipoff is here slipping in "the number of people" argument, which
is based on the old assumption that preference strength doesn't
matter, and this is *clearly* false if we look at how small groups of
people cooperate and coordinate their activities. Ossipoff doesn't
understand people!
"Unacceptable" is an expression of strong preference. Range, dealing
with strong preference, is Condorcet compliant. So what in the world
is Ossipoff talking about?
> There's a good case for saying that opinion is wrong. Do we really
> want to make the outcome unacceptable to more people, as long as,
> by so doing, we increase the benefit for someone already
> well-benefited more than we reduce it for those to whom we make it
> unacceptable?
Range maximizes, as well as we can tell, "the number of people who
find the outcome acceptable." Ossipoff is slipping in his argument by
avoiding defining what "acceptable" means.
And voters in Range are totally free to vote Approval style; if they
do not, they are clearly granting permission to elect someone whom
they rate at more than minimum. If I find a candidate totally
unacceptable, I'm not going to give that candidate one point! Why should I?
Now, suppose that there are two such candidates, B and C, and they
are both totally awful, but, hold a gun to my head, I prefer B. But
what my estimate of election probabilities makes it clear to me that
either B or C will win? In either Approval or Range, I have a motive
to vote for B. Range gives me *slightly* more flexibility.
Approval and Range are generally the same method, with Range giving
the *option* to the voter to vote with more resolution. Whether or
not this resolution is useful depends on the election context.
However, we do know that if voters vote sincerely, the *overall*
outcome is improved. Not always the individual outcome; however, this
is the point that Ossipoff will not mention:
When the individual outcome declines by voting sincerely, it always
does so by a small amount, not a large amount, and that decrease is
generally more than matched by an increase with other voters.
Now, if it cost you $1 to create a $1000 benefit for your friends,
what would you choose?
Elections come and go, and we may get our personal maximum on one and
not in another. If we act to maximize overall benefit, *usually*, in
the end, we personally benefit.
If voters vote as Ossipoff would have them vote, we have the tragedy
of the commons. In each individual election, it seems that I'm
maximizing my outcome, but if everyone acts that way, we all are losing.
I'd recommend googling Traveler's Dilemma for a very good explanation
of this, and some real studies have been done on how people behave in
such circumstances, where individual game theory predicts one kind of
behavior, and real people behave quite differently, the result being
that, usually, everyone benefits.
>First let's answer the Rangers' claim that there's no such thing as
>acceptable or unacceptable-- (because there are only varying degrees
>of utility).
We don't make that claim. What we would claim, instead, is that
acceptability and unacceptability are relative. Just like Range
ratings, the acceptability of a candidate depends on the universe of
choices possible.
We can use "varying levels of utility" to predict acceptability, to a degree.
> But the voter hirself can answer that for you, when s/he accepts
> or rejects a candidate's offer to govern in hir behalf, on hir ballot.
However, if the election rules are going to produce a winner, the
voter, by rejecting the candidate, may simply be making his or her vote moot.
And, yes, the voter can answer. In Range just as well as in Approval.
If a candidate is not acceptable, period, the voter should vote
minimum rating, period. That's what the voter will do in Approval,
and that is what the voter will do in Range. Same system, really.
Only difference: the voter is forced to *only* vote the extremes.
Forced. Coerced. Required.
Why?
It's like IRV claiming that it always elects a majority winner. Sure
it does. By either discarding votes that are exhausted, or what is
almost as bad, considering a preference between two candidates
collectively in last place as a vote *for* the candidate. I'd say
that was a vote *against* the candidate, but, yes, it is better that
it be counted; but it doesn't mean that a majority actually supported
the candidate or found him acceptable.
Range methods may include an explicit Approval cutoff, where the
voter can clearly define the acceptability level. And we have suggest
that where majority approval of a candidate is not clear, there be a
runoff, which is already common practice in analogous situations;
only here the runoff would be between the Range winner and a preference winner.
I go further than Ossipoff: I claim that no candidate should be
elected without majority approval. Just as he says we should do, if
approval is not clear from the original ballots, *ask the voters*!
But ask them explicitly, not under circumstances where their vote may
be strategically forced.
(I favor Asset Voting, where a series of runoffs becomes quite
practical and easy; indeed, it becomes possible to use full
deliberative process to choose the winner, and this is actually
better, we can expect, than Range alone at maximizing SU.)
> As for why the voter does that material act of accepting or
> not-accepting, that's none of our business.
Hogwash. If the voter did it because there was a gun at their head,
we care. It wasn't approval. You want approval of a candidate, ask
the voter in a context where approval is the only possible
interpretation of the vote.
Approval as a method adds nothing to the power of the voter, the
voter has exactly the same power in Range. That is what is so bizarre
about Ossipoff's claims, which he has been making over and over on
the Approval Voting list. He apparently doesn't dare to do it on the
Range list, where he knows he will face real consideration and real
arguments, including some from experts.
>I propose that you give me all your savings. What? You say you'd
>have to move into the slums? Yes, but my investment broker could
>double your money for me, and it would allow me to trade up to a
>better Mercedes. Don't be so selfish. The sum of our combined money
>would increase when my broker doubles your money for me. I only want
>the greatest overall summed good for us! Maybe I'd let you ride in
>my new Mercedes sometimes, to show you how much we've gained.
If I believe you, I should give you the money, if I possibly can. But
I don't believe you. What an idiotic argument!
No, Range is not suggesting we give all our money to some investment
broker. Rather, it *allows* voters to express weak preference. It is
never in their interest to do so if their preference is strong, but
they are not required to express weak preference, they are the ones
who decide what preferences are weak -- don't really care -- and strong.
There is no claim, at least not by us, that voters are being selfish
if they vote "approval style." It's a red herring.
However, we do know that the more accurately voters give the method
about their true preferences, the more accurately the method can
optimize overall satisfaction. If a method only allows one preference
gap, i.e., it is Range 1, then the information which can be provided
to the method is quite limited and quirky. Approval, Range 1, with a
runoff is better than Approval alone, because the original votes
don't have sufficient resolution.
Runoffs also, we think, will encourage voters to vote more
accurately, but this is not the time to make that full argument.
>Meaningfulness:
>
>SU from ballots means nothing if the ballots aren't sincere, and, as
>I said, sincere RV voting is suboptimal.
False. False. Tired of explaining.
>Some Rangers have claimed that they found out from
>(inadequately-described) simulations that, if the percentage of
>strategizers is below some particular number, then even RV's sincere
>suckers will be better off than they would have been with Approval. Nonsense.
Because Ossipoff says so, not because he has actually investigated
how the simulations are done. I'll acknowledge, Warren's information
about the simulations is spread out, I haven't found it easy to find
it all in one place. But there *is* a paper on it, which is pretty
thorough, and, besides, the source code is available and Warren is
known to answer questions. Why doesn't Ossipoff ask, if he doesn't
understand how the simulations are done? Instead, he just, without
knowledge and making a host of assumptions, simply calls them nonsense.
*That's* nonsense! And I don't have time for more of this nonsense
today. I think it was just gettting interesting, so ... later.
More information about the Election-Methods
mailing list