<div dir="ltr">Apportionment is equivalent to proportional representation in the case where voters cast partisan votes. i.e. if the party-list form of your rule fails a criterion, your rule also fails that criterion.<div><br></div><div>Any quota-transfer system reduces to largest remainders in the partisan voters case, which fails monotonicity.</div></div><br><div class="gmail_quote"><div dir="ltr" class="gmail_attr">On Tue, Mar 26, 2024 at 12:35 AM Richard Lung <<a href="mailto:voting@ukscientists.com">voting@ukscientists.com</a>> wrote:<br></div><blockquote class="gmail_quote" style="margin:0px 0px 0px 0.8ex;border-left:1px solid rgb(204,204,204);padding-left:1ex"><u></u>

  
    
  
  <div>
    <p> </p>
    <p>Thank you for your reply.</p>
    <p>Perhaps you have "no idea" because your reasoning doesn't
      strictly follow. And perhaps you jump in with your (further) "No"
      without a real disagreement. <br>
    </p>
    <p>Apportionment has its place in Congress, for instance, but is the
      feature of oligarchic party list systems, in the context of voting
      methods discussed, and quotas the feature of democratic forms of
      "proportional representation." <br>
    </p>
    <p>Regards,</p>
    <p>Richard Lung.<br>
    </p>
    <p><br>
    </p>
    <div>On 25/03/2024 23:42, Closed Limelike
      Curves wrote:<br>
    </div>
    <blockquote type="cite">
      
      <div dir="ltr">
        <div dir="ltr">
          <div dir="ltr">
            <div dir="ltr">
              <blockquote class="gmail_quote" style="margin:0px 0px 0px 0.8ex;border-left:1px solid rgb(204,204,204);padding-left:1ex">
                <p>As for the profered non-monotonicity reason for
                  abolishing STV, this is solely in the
                  Arrow-theorem-doctrinaire critics imagination, bearing
                  no connection to reality.</p>
              </blockquote>
              <div>No idea what this refers to, given STV isn't related
                to Arrow's theorem.</div>
              <div><br>
              </div>
              <blockquote class="gmail_quote" style="margin:0px 0px 0px 0.8ex;border-left:1px solid rgb(204,204,204);padding-left:1ex">The
                non-monotonicity of STV just owes to it trailing a
                remnant of plurality voting, in its "last past the post"
                exclusion count.</blockquote>
              <div><br>
              </div>
              <div>No, the issue is the multi-stage method—the more
                elimination rounds you have, the more likely you are to
                have a negative voting weight event. Pretty much every
                sequential-loser method has the same problem.</div>
              <div><br>
              </div>
              <blockquote class="gmail_quote" style="margin:0px 0px 0px 0.8ex;border-left:1px solid rgb(204,204,204);padding-left:1ex"> The
                Surplus transfer election count, especially Meek method,
                is monotonic.<br>
              </blockquote>
              <div>That's also not correct; see Pukelsheim's book on
                apportionment for why every quota rule method is
                nonmonotonic. I do think <i>most</i> of STV's
                nonmonotonicity comes down to the IRV elimination,
                though.</div>
            </div>
          </div>
        </div>
      </div>
      <br>
      <div class="gmail_quote">
        <div dir="ltr" class="gmail_attr">On Mon, Mar 25, 2024 at
          12:39 PM Richard Lung <<a href="mailto:voting@ukscientists.com" target="_blank">voting@ukscientists.com</a>>
          wrote:<br>
        </div>
        <blockquote class="gmail_quote" style="margin:0px 0px 0px 0.8ex;border-left:1px solid rgb(204,204,204);padding-left:1ex">
          <div>
            <p><br>
            </p>
            <p>Exactly so, Michael Garman. opposition was incited
              against STV because: You'll get a black mayor. <br>
            </p>
            <p>Indeed you would. The one or two communists elected by
              STV in NYC were representing sweated labour in the textile
              industry. No mention of the fact that abolishing STV gave
              one-party rule. In NYC the Machine, Tammany Hall
              bankrupted the city, for the classic reason of lack of
              opposition holding to account. The city machines held
              "battering ram" referendums with the money and publicity
              on side. They succumbed to the onslaught except in
              Cambridge with a 30,000 strong MIT, which had to endure 6
              referendums in 16 years. Such was the fanatical
              meal-ticket politics of the one-party machines. STV had
              been promoted, despite politicians power-greed, by
              mathematicians, who knew their business and weren't afraid
              of "the key to democracy."<br>
            </p>
            <p>As for the profered non-monotonicity reason for
              abolishing STV, this is solely in the
              Arrow-theorem-doctrinaire critics imagination, bearing no
              connection to reality. The non-monotonicity of STV just
              owes to it trailing a remnant of plurality voting, in its
              "last past the post" exclusion count. The Surplus transfer
              election count, especially Meek method, is monotonic.</p>
            <p>I have invented an STV exclusion count which is an
              iteration of the election count; both therefore monotonic;
              a "scientific" one-truth voting method, unlike other
              voting methods the world uses. I posted programmers links,
              none of which, the list manager has so far redeemed.</p>
            <p>Regards,</p>
            <p>Richard Lung.<br>
            </p>
            <p><br>
            </p>
            <div>On 25/03/2024 17:18, Michael Garman wrote:<br>
            </div>
            <blockquote type="cite">
              <div dir="auto">Much of the opposition to STV came from
                the fact that it was electing — shudder! black people
                and even communists — in a political climate where those
                were seen as two of the worst traits a politician could
                have. That, more than non-monotonicity, was what did it
                in in NYC and elsewhere. I don’t find “reactionaries
                won’t like it” to be a convincing argument against
                progress. </div>
              <div><br>
              </div>
              <div><br>
                <div class="gmail_quote">
                  <div dir="ltr" class="gmail_attr">On Mon, Mar 25, 2024
                    at 6:08 PM Closed Limelike Curves <<a href="mailto:closed.limelike.curves@gmail.com" target="_blank">closed.limelike.curves@gmail.com</a>>
                    wrote:<br>
                  </div>
                  <blockquote class="gmail_quote" style="margin:0px 0px 0px 0.8ex;border-left:1px solid rgb(204,204,204);padding-left:1ex">
                    <div dir="ltr">
                      <div dir="ltr">
                        <blockquote class="gmail_quote" style="margin:0px 0px 0px 0.8ex;border-left:1px solid rgb(204,204,204);padding-left:1ex">
                          <div dir="ltr">I'm all for convincing people
                            of the need for reform first and foremost
                            and then convincing them of specific methods
                            later. Now, you could argue that certain
                            reforms would turn the public off the idea
                            of structural change once and for all, and
                            I'd take those concerns seriously.</div>
                        </blockquote>
                        <div>I don't think convincing people the current
                          system is bad is very helpful unless you have
                          a better alternative. People tend to flail
                          about and pick the first system they think of
                          or hear about—like IRV—and sometimes even pick
                          a disastrous system like Borda. After a state
                          or city picks a new system, they usually stick
                          with it for decades out of pure inertia,
                          meaning it locks us out of systems that
                          actually improve the election's results. If
                          nothing else, promoting these systems wastes
                          time and effort that could be better-spent
                          elsewhere.</div>
                        <div><br>
                        </div>
                        <div>It's also easier to argue for a better
                          policy than a worse one. If reform movements
                          didn't have so many problems with
                          Nobel-laureate economists and political
                          scientists writing newspaper articles and
                          papers about IRV not working that well, and
                          didn't have major disasters like Alaska's 2022
                          election to deal with, things would probably
                          be an easier sell.</div>
                        <div><br>
                        </div>
                        <div>It's worth noting we have a case study of
                          this. During the Progressive Era in the 1910s,
                          lots of US cities adopted new voting systems,
                          typically STV. These rules survived only a few
                          decades before repeal. Most famously, in New
                          York, STV caused so many monotonicity failures
                          that the city decided to kill the only
                          large-scale proportional representation system
                          in the United States after officials derided
                          it for being a lottery.</div>
                        <div><br>
                        </div>
                        <div>It's taken 100 years for the electoral
                          reform movement to recover and get a second
                          chance. I don't want to wait another 100 years
                          for a reform that might actually stick this
                          time.</div>
                      </div>
                    </div>
                    <br>
                    <div class="gmail_quote">
                      <div dir="ltr" class="gmail_attr">On Sun, Mar 24,
                        2024 at 4:12 PM Michael Garman <<a href="mailto:michael.garman@rankthevote.us" target="_blank">michael.garman@rankthevote.us</a>>
                        wrote:<br>
                      </div>
                    </div>
                    <div class="gmail_quote">
                      <blockquote class="gmail_quote" style="margin:0px 0px 0px 0.8ex;border-left:1px solid rgb(204,204,204);padding-left:1ex">
                        <div dir="ltr">>  Note that I'm not asking if
                          you think the fool me twice problem is<br>
                          likely to happen with IRV. Just whether it's
                          reasonable for someone who<br>
                          thinks enacting a (to his mind) flawed method
                          can cause a backlash, to<br>
                          not go for that method.
                          <div><br>
                          </div>
                          <div>For sure. It's a reasonable argument.</div>
                          <div><br>
                          </div>
                          <div>I think the principal consideration to
                            bear in mind is where the opposition is
                            coming from and what their arguments are. If
                            I were an activist in a community where the
                            prevailing opinion was that reform was
                            necessary, I'd be all for having a debate
                            about the merits of different methods and
                            the relative logistical complications they
                            might pose.</div>
                          <div><br>
                          </div>
                          <div>My concern right now is that most people
                            aren't open to <i>any</i> reform, and if
                            the public-facing image they see is a reform
                            movement that can't even agree on a measure
                            to push, they'll be even more skeptical. Not
                            that we can't or shouldn't have these
                            debates, of course. But I think the Seattle
                            2022 example -- where the IRV supporters
                            were at fault! -- is exactly the opposite of
                            what we want to happen. Overall support for
                            the first part of the question -- the one
                            that was essentially "should we scrap FPP?"
                            was way lower than it would have been if
                            there hadn't been confusion over competing
                            proposals and the impression of a fractured
                            reform community.</div>
                          <div><br>
                          </div>
                          <div>I'm all for convincing people of the need
                            for reform first and foremost and then
                            convincing them of specific methods later.
                            Now, you could argue that certain reforms
                            would turn the public off the idea of
                            structural change once and for all, and I'd
                            take those concerns seriously.</div>
                        </div>
                        <br>
                        <div class="gmail_quote">
                          <div dir="ltr" class="gmail_attr">On Sun, Mar
                            24, 2024 at 8:07 PM Kristofer Munsterhjelm
                            <<a href="mailto:km_elmet@t-online.de" target="_blank">km_elmet@t-online.de</a>>
                            wrote:<br>
                          </div>
                          <blockquote class="gmail_quote" style="margin:0px 0px 0px 0.8ex;border-left:1px solid rgb(204,204,204);padding-left:1ex">On
                            2024-03-20 09:57, Michael Garman wrote:<br>
                            > To be clear, I am by no means a
                            believer that IRV is the only reform <br>
                            > worth pursuing, or that it’s anywhere
                            close to the perfect system.<br>
                            > <br>
                            > Where Michael and I disagree is on the
                            role of pragmatism. I believe <br>
                            > that any time an alternative to
                            plurality voting is on the ballot, <br>
                            > voters should support it. I think the
                            folks in Eugene, Oregon, should <br>
                            > vote yes on STAR. I think more places
                            should try out approval. Beyond <br>
                            > those three, I read this list because I
                            enjoy learning about completely <br>
                            > new and different systems that would be
                            fascinating to see in practice <br>
                            > somewhere one day. But in a place where
                            citizens are asked for an up or <br>
                            > down vote on IRV vs. FPTP, I don’t see
                            how you can defend voting for the <br>
                            > worst possible system because the
                            proposed reform isn’t exactly what <br>
                            > you’d like.<br>
                            <br>
                            What do you think about the following
                            reasoning? Call it the "fool me <br>
                            twice" problem.<br>
                            <br>
                            Suppose that a jurisdiction is considering
                            switching from FPTP to Borda. <br>
                            The main organization is heavily marketing
                            Borda as the one ranked <br>
                            voting system, equating the ranked ballot
                            format to Borda, the method.<br>
                            <br>
                            Meanwhile, an organization promoting MDDA
                            (majority defeat <br>
                            disqualification approval) is slowly
                            growing. Someone (call him John) <br>
                            favors MDDA and thinks that due to Borda's
                            clone problem, it will <br>
                            quickly be repealed. Then, he reasons, the
                            jurisdiction will think that <br>
                            ranking equals Borda, so that when some
                            other ranked method is proposed <br>
                            (MDDA, say), they will remember the failure
                            of Borda that led to its <br>
                            repeal and say "no; fool me twice, shame on
                            me".<br>
                            <br>
                            Suppose for the sake of argument that there
                            is a considerable chance <br>
                            that Borda would be repealed if it were
                            enacted, and a lesser chance <br>
                            that MDDA would. Is then John in the right
                            to withhold his support for <br>
                            Borda? Would it be right for the MDDA
                            organization to try to counter the <br>
                            Borda organization's marketing by saying
                            more ranked methods exist, even <br>
                            if doing so reduces the chance that Borda is
                            enacted?<br>
                            <br>
                            Note that I'm not asking if you think the
                            fool me twice problem is <br>
                            likely to happen with IRV. Just whether it's
                            reasonable for someone who <br>
                            thinks enacting a (to his mind) flawed
                            method can cause a backlash, to <br>
                            not go for that method.<br>
                            <br>
                            -km<br>
                          </blockquote>
                        </div>
                      </blockquote>
                    </div>
                    <div class="gmail_quote">
                      <blockquote class="gmail_quote" style="margin:0px 0px 0px 0.8ex;border-left:1px solid rgb(204,204,204);padding-left:1ex">
                        ----</blockquote>
                    </div>
                    <div class="gmail_quote">
                      <blockquote class="gmail_quote" style="margin:0px 0px 0px 0.8ex;border-left:1px solid rgb(204,204,204);padding-left:1ex"><br>
                        Election-Methods mailing list - see <a href="https://electorama.com/em" rel="noreferrer" target="_blank">https://electorama.com/em</a>
                        for list info<br>
                      </blockquote>
                    </div>
                  </blockquote>
                </div>
              </div>
              <br>
              <fieldset></fieldset>
              <pre>----
Election-Methods mailing list - see <a href="https://electorama.com/em" target="_blank">https://electorama.com/em</a> for list info
</pre>
            </blockquote>
          </div>
        </blockquote>
      </div>
    </blockquote>
  </div>

</blockquote></div>