<p dir="ltr">(Replying farther down)</p>
<p dir="ltr">On Oct 31, 2016 11:06 PM, "C.Benham" <<a href="mailto:cbenham@adam.com.au">cbenham@adam.com.au</a>> wrote:<br>
><br>
> On 10/31/2016 7:48 AM, Michael Ossipoff wrote:<br>
><br>
>> Of course at EM we discuss two completely separate and different method proposal choices:<br>
>><br>
>> 1. Proposals to electorates who have only had Plurality.<br>
>><br>
>> 2. Later proposals to replace one better voting system with another.<br>
>><br>
>> If we're talking about #1, then there are only a few to choose from:<br>
>><br>
>> Approval, Score, and Bucklin.<br>
><br>
><br>
> Mike,<br>
><br>
> A short time ago you were in favour of CD methods (and even crafted the criterion) and said that your <br>
> favourite method is ICT (aka 3-slot TTR, Top Ratings).</p>
<p dir="ltr">...as a later improvement.</p>
<p dir="ltr">But I recognized that a first reform for people used to Plurality would have to be something simple, & precedented.</p>
<p dir="ltr">I only suggested 3-Slot ICT as a later refinement.</p>
<p dir="ltr">I still value CD. But I've often said that the Chicken-Dilemma is a nuisance, rather than a problem, & that CD is a valuable luxury. ...& that Approval is very acceptable.</p>
<p dir="ltr">I still like 3-Slot ICT, but it has a few drawbacks:</p>
<p dir="ltr">* It isn't as briefly & simply defined as MMPO.</p>
<p dir="ltr">* when you demote B to middle, you're leaving hir with no protection from burial, or even from innocent truncation.</p>
<p dir="ltr">Besides, activists & organizations want rankings. Some overcompromisers & rivals likely would do better with rankings.</p>
<p dir="ltr">Regardless of merit, rankings might be psychologically desirable.</p>
<p dir="ltr">><br>
> So what happened to it? </p>
<p dir="ltr">Answered above.</p>
<p dir="ltr">You wrote:</p>
<p dir="ltr">You even seemed ready to tolerate the non-FBC CD methods Benham and IRV.</p>
<p dir="ltr">(endquote)</p>
<p dir="ltr">I recognized even then that they had problems for current conditions.</p>
<p dir="ltr">Yes, I used to like them for the Green scenario. I was saying that it's OK to ignore voters who aren't in a mutual-majority. I no longer feel that way.</p>
<p dir="ltr">IRV & it's derivatives create a confrontational situation & mood when they make you choose between ranking Compromise over Favorite, or withholding help from Compromise & letting hir lose.</p>
<p dir="ltr">><br>
><br>
>> For #2, it really takes something with a lot of valuable & otherwise-unobtainable properties, to justify replacing Approval, Score or Bucklin with it.<br>
>><br>
>> I suggest that only Plain MMPO qualifies.<br>
><br>
><br>
> Say you ask people who are used to and/or like any of Approval, Score, Bucklin, or plurality (aka FPP) or Top-Two Runoff or IRV or Benham:<br>
><br>
> (a) Would you accept a method that in a 3-candidate election with 20 million voters can elect a candidate that is voted above equal-bottom<br>
> on only two ballots?<br>
><br>
> x: A<br>
> 1: C=A<br>
> 1: C=B<br>
> x: B<br>
><br>
> x = any number greater than 1. MMPO elects C.<br>
><br>
> (b) Do you think it is fair and sensible that a voter who is only interested in getting their favourite elected can increase the chance of that<br>
> happening by fully ranking (below top) all the other candidates at random? </p>
<p dir="ltr">(endquote)</p>
<p dir="ltr">All along, I've been saying that I'd disclose those criticisms, & answer them. My answers would be the ones that I've posted.</p>
<p dir="ltr">><br>
> What response do you think you will get? </p>
<p dir="ltr">I don't know. It would only be .mentioned as a possibility. At that future time when new methods are being considered, as a refinement, people should be offered a choice of the best combination of valuable strategic properties, vs a more conservative effort to avoid "could look bad".</p>
<p dir="ltr">Maybe people won't like or want MMPO. Fine. Then I'll recommend that they keep Approval, Score or Bucklin.</p>
<p dir="ltr">(You wrote):</p>
<p dir="ltr">> I don't live in the US, but I would think that most people wouldn't even believe that question (a) is serious, and that anyone who tries to<br>
> tell them that that example only "looks bad" would blow their credibility.</p>
<p dir="ltr">Have I ever seemed worried about that? </p>
<p dir="ltr">"Could look bad" isn't important compared to practical strategy properties.</p>
<p dir="ltr">We discussed the matter of whether anyone is seriously wronged in the bad example.</p>
<p dir="ltr">Michael Ossipoff<br><br><br></p>
<p dir="ltr">><br>
> Chris Benham<br>
><br>
><br>
><br>
><br>
>> Jameson--<br>
>><br>
>><br>
>> On Sat, Oct 29, 2016 at 11:16 AM, Jameson Quinn <<a href="mailto:jameson.quinn@gmail.com">jameson.quinn@gmail.com</a>> wrote:<br>
>>><br>
>>><br>
>>> ....Here's my "ideal characteristics" for a political single-winner election system, more or less in descending order of importance:<br>
>>> FBC<br>
>><br>
>><br>
>> Yes, I consider FBC to be #!.<br>
>> <br>
>>><br>
>>><br>
>>> Handles center squeeze (ie, some form of weakened Condorcet guarantee that's compatible with FBC) <br>
>><br>
>> But maybe the goal of electing the CWs unnecessarily complicates votiing. Maybe someday, there won't be a bottom set, for most voters, and, with honest elections & honest, open media, it will be clear who's the CWs. But now, Approval's best strategy doesn't require that. Brams pointed out that Approval's results can be better than the CWs.<br>
>><br>
>> But, when it's desirable to elect the CWs, and it isn't obvious who's the CWs, then the wv methods, and methods with wv-like strategy (such as MMPO), are the methods that make it easiest to protect the CWs.<br>
>><br>
>> Also, it should be noted that you can't be sure how often there will be a CWs, under different and better conditions.<br>
>> <br>
>>><br>
>>><br>
>>> Relatively simple to explain<br>
>><br>
>><br>
>> Approval & Score are easy to explain. I've had conversations in which only Approval & Score were accepted as being plain & un-elaborate enough to be acceptable..<br>
>><br>
>> You know that SARA & XA are complicated and not easy to explain. I've tried explaining them.<br>
>><br>
>> MMPO?:<br>
>><br>
>> "The winner is the candidate who has fewest people voting someone else over hir."<br>
>><br>
>> {...some same other candidate) <br>
>>><br>
>>><br>
>>> Minimal strategic burden<br>
>><br>
>><br>
>> We often hear it said that Approval has a large strategic burden, but, for most people, with our current candidate-lineup, there's nothing difficult about it: Approve (only) the progressive candidates. That's optimal for most people.<br>
>><br>
>> And if the time comes when, for most people, there isn't a bottom-set, then that will be a happy circumstance, in which it doesn't matter terribly anyway, which candidate wins.<br>
>><br>
>> In such conditions, with honest elections and honest, open media, it will likely be pretty obvious who's the CWs, and, in the absence of tep-set/bottom-set, the best strategy will be to just approve down to the CWs.<br>
>><br>
>> And, if there were no bottom-set, and if it happened that it _wasn't_ clear who the CWs was, and it was 0-info, then it would just be a matter of approving down to the expected winning merit-level. Maybe, under those conditions, that would be the candidate-mean. Or maybe (as now) the estimated mean merit of what voters want (which can be estimated by the candidates' merit-midrange, if the election is 1D. ....but it might not remain 1D under different and better conditions).<br>
>><br>
>> ..but I repeat that, with only your former top-set remaining as winnable candidates, it won't make as much difference which one wins anyway.<br>
>><br>
>> People often consider Approval voting more difficult than it is.<br>
>><br>
>> <br>
>>><br>
>>> Summable (ideally O(N), no worse than O(N²) in practice, though I might accept some special pleading for the use of prior polling to reduce to O(N²).)<br>
>>> Handles CD, or at least, CD offensive strategies don't in practice mess up the center squeeze properties.<br>
>><br>
>><br>
>> MMPO meets Weak CD.<br>
>> <br>
>>><br>
>>><br>
>>> Some arguable track record<br>
>><br>
>><br>
>> Of course at EM we discuss two completely separate and different method proposal choices:<br>
>><br>
>> 1. Proposals to electorates who have only had Plurality.<br>
>><br>
>> 2. Later proposals to replace one better voting system with another.<br>
>><br>
>> If we're talking about #1, then there are only a few to choose from:<br>
>><br>
>> Approval, Score, and Bucklin.<br>
>><br>
>><br>
>> I suggest that all 3 of those should be offered to initiative-proposal committees, and that the public should be polled, or consulted in "focus-groups", regarding which of those 3 methods they'd accept<br>
>><br>
>><br>
>> For #2, it really takes something with a lot of valuable & otherwise-unobtainable properties, to justify replacing Approval, Score or Bucklin with it.<br>
>><br>
>> I suggest that only Plain MMPO qualifies.<br>
>><br>
>><br>
>><br>
>>><br>
>>> Approval does well on 1,3,4, and 6, is OK on 2, and bad on 4 and 5.<br>
>><br>
>><br>
>><br>
>> No. Contrary to what we so often hear, Approval doesn't have a high strategic burden, as I discussed above. <br>
>><br>
>> Other than MMPO's CD, improvements over Approval by more complicated methods are illusory.<br>
>><br>
>> And your standard #5 was summability and count-complexity. Approval is precinct-summable, and its count is the easiest and least computation-intensive, among voting-systems.<br>
>><br>
>> Michael Ossipoff<br>
>><br>
>><br>
>><br>
>><br>
>><br>
>><br>
><br>
><br>
> ----<br>
> Election-Methods mailing list - see<a href="http://electorama.com/em"> http://electorama.com/em</a> for list info<br>
><br>
</p>