<div>There are three possible kinds of criteria:</div><div>1. Criteria which apply to ballots and do not mention preferences.</div><div>2. Criteria which apply to ballots and mention preferences (for instance, as part of the justification for why the criterion is desirable)</div>
<div>3. Criteria which apply to preferences.</div><div><br></div><div>You are saying that type 1 is bad, so we are forced to choose type 3. Everyone else is telling you that type 3 is essentially incoherent. We realize that type 1 is often bad. So we usually use type 2, and occasionally (when appropriate) type 1.</div>
<div><br></div><div>Jameson<br><br><div class="gmail_quote">2011/11/16 MIKE OSSIPOFF <span dir="ltr"><<a href="mailto:nkklrp@hotmail.com">nkklrp@hotmail.com</a>></span><br><blockquote class="gmail_quote" style="margin:0 0 0 .8ex;border-left:1px #ccc solid;padding-left:1ex;">
<br>
<br>
(If it seems as if I'm posting a lot today, I emphasize that only these two most recent postings were sent<br>
today)<br>
<br>
Votes-only criteria vs preference criteria:<br>
____________________________________________<br>
<br>
Kevin, you objected to my preference-mentioning criteria on the grounds that no one knows what the voters'<br>
true preferences really are. But so what?<br>
<br>
As I said before, my criteria indirectly stipulate votes. They do that when they stipulate that people have<br>
a certain preference and vote sincerely; or have a certain preference and don't vote anyone equal to or over<br>
their favorite. Etc.<br>
<br>
Are you saying that methods meeting my preference-mentioning criteria can act wrongly when the preferences aren't<br>
as stipulated? If so, then say so explicitly, and show how that can happen.<br>
<br>
As a matter of fact, that _can_ happen with some votes-only criteria, such as the Plurality Criterion:<br>
<br>
The Approval bad-example is an example of that. I'll give it again here:<br>
<br>
Sincere preferences:<br>
<br>
49: C<br>
27: AB<br>
24: BA<br>
<br>
A majority _equally strongly_ prefer A and B to C.<br>
<br>
<br>
Actual votes:<br>
<br>
The A voters defect, in order to take advantage of the co-operativeness and<br>
responsibility of the A voters:<br>
<br>
49: C<br>
27: AB<br>
24: B<br>
<br>
Now, in MDDTR and MMPO, A wins. According to the Plurality Criterion, that's wrong.<br>
<br>
But it's only wrong if the B voters aren't voting for A because they don't prefer A to C<br>
as much as the A voters prefer B to C.<br>
<br>
Given the preferences, and the explanation for the actual votes, the Plurality Criterion is wrong<br>
when it calls the election of A a wrong result.<br>
<br>
So yes: A criterion can rule wrongly, based on an incorrect built-in assumption about true preferences.<br>
<br>
But the Plurality Criterion is a votes-only criterion. So that problem certainly isn't peculiar to<br>
my preference-mentioning criteria.<br>
<br>
And I'll repeat something that I said before in this discussion:<br>
<br>
Votes-only criteria tend to be unintendedly met by Plurality.<br>
<br>
Votes-only Condorcet's Criterion is met by Plurality.<br>
]<br>
The votes-only criterion called "Minimal Defense" is met by Plurality.<br>
<br>
The votes-only criterion called "Majority for Solid Coalitions"is met by Plurality.<br>
<br>
Of course you could avoid that by saying "This criterion doesn't apply to Plurality or Approval"<br>
<br>
Do you know how inelegant that is?<br>
<br>
My preference-mentioning criteria apply seamlessly to all methods.<br>
<br>
(An exception is my SFC for 3-Slot Methods (SFC3). I couldn't find a way to evaluate or describe<br>
the SFC-like benefit of 3-Slot methods that doesn't stipulate a 3-slot method)<br>
.........................................................................................<br>
<br>
IRV squeeze-effect:<br>
_________________________<br>
<br>
<br>
I mentioned this before, but there was a recent post claiming that IRV has no problems :-)<br>
<br>
If, as very often the case, the favoriteness of candidates tapers gradually, by distance from the middle CW,<br>
then it's pretty much a sure thing, especially with a (at least nearly) 1-dimensional political spectrum,<br>
that middle CW will be eliminated, even if s/he's the Plurality-winner. That will happen because the<br>
eliminations will begin at the extremes, and votes will transfer inward, and snowball and build up, till<br>
the candidates flanking that middle CW will thereby accumulate enough votes to eliminate that middle CW.<br>
<br>
The CW is the candidate who is the best you can get. S/he can get a majority against anyone. Riker showed that<br>
informed strategic voting will always elect the Condorcet Candidate. That's the goal of non-offensive strategic<br>
voting, even when voters don't think of it in those terms.<br>
<br>
The fact is that IRV will, nor rarely, but often, make people regret that they didn't vote someone over their<br>
favorite.<br>
<br>
Oh...I take that back: They won't regret it if the fact is concealed from them by the limited information divulged<br>
when IRV election results are reported.<br>
<br>
How about this: Let's write to the IRv opposition, and to the newspapers, in the cities where IRV is in use,<br>
and make the following suggestion:<br>
<br>
"I suggest that the election results reported after IRV elections include a file containing the rankings.<br>
Confidentially won't be violated, because no one will tell(or know) who voted what ranking.<br>
<br>
"Then anyone can look at the results and determine if IRV failed. IRV's failures can't be detected by<br>
the limited information typically revealed after IRV elections.<br>
<br>
"In fact, e-mail that file to the EM mailing list. There are people there who'd be glad to examine<br>
the rankings, to detect the serious failures that IRV is so prone to.<br>
<br>
"Or would you rather conceal those failures, by concealing the rankings from public scrutiny.<br>
...as if IRV, like some movie vampire, can't survive exposure to the light of day."<br>
<br>
Mike Ossipoff<br>
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----<br>
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