Please do your work on the <a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1oyJLxI9dciXBbowM5mougnbGHzkL3Ue1QkD8nnMwWLg/edit?hl=en_US">google doc</a>. If you understand how, please post the changes here when you're done (to help involve others in the discussion).<div>
<br></div><div>JQ<br><br><div class="gmail_quote">2011/8/28 Richard Fobes <span dir="ltr"><<a href="mailto:ElectionMethods@votefair.org">ElectionMethods@votefair.org</a>></span><br><blockquote class="gmail_quote" style="margin:0 0 0 .8ex;border-left:1px #ccc solid;padding-left:1ex;">
I'll try to find a balance. I too recognize the importance of starting by educating voters through non-governmental elections -- so that later it will be much easier to get fairer election methods adopted in governmental elections. Yet I was wondering if maybe this explanation about Roberts Rules of Order was too long, and based on the feedback I'll try to shorten it. Also I think I can merge it with another request to cover multiple rounds of voting, which is not yet covered -- and which also is important.<br>
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The other two paragraphs I expect to keep in the next draft -- at the end as a part of the summary -- but they can be removed if they prove to be disliked.<br>
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I'll start working on the next draft. It will be longer than the first because of all the additions that were requested, but fortunately I expect to be able to shorten it in a few places.<br><font color="#888888">
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Richard Fobes</font><div><div></div><div class="h5"><br>
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On 8/28/2011 2:13 PM, Ralph Suter wrote:<br>
<blockquote class="gmail_quote" style="margin:0 0 0 .8ex;border-left:1px #ccc solid;padding-left:1ex">
Even if improving public elections is the statement's primary aim, that<br>
needn't be its only aim -- nor, I'm convinced, should it be.<br>
<br>
One point I've tried to make is that one of the best practical means for<br>
improving the prospects for reforming difficult-to-change public<br>
elections would be to promote the use of alternative voting and<br>
representation methods for use in non-public elections and other kinds<br>
of decisionmaking processes (both public and non-public), including not<br>
only formal ones such as organizational and formal meeting elections and<br>
decisions but also informal ones that involve small and temporary groups<br>
-- and for not only critically important decisions such as presidential<br>
elections and constitutional referendums but also much less important<br>
decisions such as groups of friends and co-workers deciding where to eat<br>
lunch together. (For the latter, I believe approval voting and other<br>
quick and simple methods are, in virtually all cases, indisputably<br>
better than more complicated and time-consuming though maybe technically<br>
superior ones.)<br>
<br>
The important things to keep in mind regarding this point are, first,<br>
that it is much easier to experiment with alternative voting and<br>
representation methods in other than public elections and, second, that<br>
doing so has the great added advantage of helping educate people about<br>
alternative methods and (hopefully) helping persuade much larger numbers<br>
of people that some alternative methods would be great improvements over<br>
plurality voting and single-representative legislative districts for use<br>
in public elections.<br>
<br>
-RS<br>
<br>
On 8/28/2011 12:45 PM, Dave Ketchum wrote:<br>
<blockquote class="gmail_quote" style="margin:0 0 0 .8ex;border-left:1px #ccc solid;padding-left:1ex">
I question adding this collection of paragraphs to the major<br>
declaration, which seems more aimed at improving public elections.<br>
</blockquote>
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