[EM] Bayesian Regret analysis of Bucklin, Top-Two-Runoff, and other methods
Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
abd at lomaxdesign.com
Mon Feb 8 19:23:43 PST 2010
At 12:35 PM 2/8/2010, Kristofer Munsterhjelm wrote:
>Abd ul-Rahman Lomax wrote:
>>Various factors that affect real elections have been neglected in
>>the simulations which have been done to compare performance of
>>various voting systems. The analysis which has been done, so far,
>>is quite valuable and represents the best data we have on voting
>>system performance, but the neglect of real voting patterns and
>>factors has, I suspect, produced warped comparisons of systems.
>>The technique of simulating underlying absolute preferences has too
>>quickly moved into an assumption that preferences can be normalized
>>and that all members of the simulated population will actually
>>vote. In fact, real voter behavior can be predicted to vary with
>>preference strength.
>>As an example, if I'm correct, analysis of Bucklin made the
>>assumption that all voters would rank all candidates, which is
>>actually preposterous
>>Further, with Top Two Runoff, a assumption has been made that all
>>of the original voters will then vote in a runoff, so the
>>simulation, of course, simulates a Contingent Vote that
>>accomplishes the same thing with a single ballot, unless, of
>>course, voters truncate, and truncation hasn't been simulated, to my knowledge.
>
>If that is true, then it should be relatively simple to make a
>simulation to take the fact into account. Assign every
>voter-candidate pair a certain utility, then for each voter,
>equal-rank candidates that are close enough as far as utility goes.
>Remove a random number of candidates from each rank, leaving at least one.
I don't think so. It's not random, truncation depends on preference
strength, probably absolute preference strengths, to some degree.
The assignment of utilities should be realistic; that is, it should
predict voter behavior reasonably well in situations where we know
the votes. Random assignment doesn't cut it. Issue space simulations
are interesting, but I'm not sure at all how realistic they are. Many
voters vote based on name recognition and affect.
>In terms of a runoff, if both candidates are close enough, the voter
>votes randomly for one of them, which evens out. If they're both
>also close to status quo (which would have to be assigned some
>utility, as well), then the voter wouldn't bother to vote at all,
>his ballot effectively empty.
No, turnout should be simulated. This is not a simple piece of work,
Kristofer. And it's important, because simulations based on
unrealistic models of voter preferences and behavior may produce very
misleading results.
>>It is a common assumption that low turnout in an election is a Bad
>>Thing. However, I've seen little analysis that does anything more
>>than make partisan assumptions; allegedly, low turnout favors
>>Republican candidates. If so, then the source of the problem would
>>be large numbers of voters who might otherwise favor a Democrat,
>>but who have, in fact, low absolute preference strength, and
>>Baysian regret analysis of the whole population would likely reveal
>>that the Republican would be the social utility winner.
>
>Low turnout is a problem if its reason is that voters are saying
>"makes no difference, they're equally bad". It's not as much a
>problem if its reason is that voters are saying "makes no
>difference, they're equally good", except to the extent that makes
>voters as used to low turnout that they don't bother voting - good
>candidates or not.
The point, though, is that the remedy to the bad situation isn't to
eliminate the runoff! There would be a number of approaches, if we
think government is important (Some don't!). While better voting
systems to produce better results initially, if terminating, or
better candidates for runoffs, could help, they won't necessarily
improve runoff turnout. What if they *do* choose the two best
candidates, so that voters don't care very much? My point is that
runoff turnout is *not necessarily* a bad thing.
But there is a general voter despair that is the cause of *overall*
low turnout, and to fix this I suggest Asset Voting, to create
proportional representation, where every vote counts and is
effective, in a well-designed system. If they system is hybrid, as
I've suggested, between direct and representative democracy, every
vote *continues to count* until the next election. It's exercised by
the candidate who received it, perhaps, or by someone to whom the
candidate has transferred it. That a primary elector might vote
directly, when the elector chooses to do so, means that the choice of
the voter is unconditionally respected! Compromise is only on
representation in deliberation, speaking on the floor of the
Assembly, and, of course, in setting up default voting rights in the Assembly.
>If you look at that from a Majority perspective: if a majority
>doesn't care which way the election goes, then the minority who
>actually bothers to vote may have disproportionate power
This is standard in democratic process. "Majority" does not
ordinarily mean "majority of all those eligible to vote," but
"majority of those voting on a question." Yes, they have
"disproportionate power," but only as permitted by the actual
majority. Consider it a form of delegation.
> - from a Majority "a democracy is rule by the people - /all/ the
> people" point of view. From this POV, low turnout is bad because it
> makes the democratic process less democratic: the decision hinges
> on fewer people, and these fewer are not a random sample of the population.
That's correct that they are not a random sample. They are a sample
of those *concerned.* That's *better* than a random sample. Much better.
What I'd agree is bad is differential access to voting. If election
officials make it difficult for some voters to vote, but not others,
this is truly harmful. And that's certainly happened.
> From a social utility point of view, you want a minority with
> strong views to be able to overturn a majority with weaker opinions
> (as long as it's worth it, for some definition of that measure);
> but that is not the Majority perspective usually considered when
> talking about "democracy".
It is what happens in direct democratic process, all the time. What
"the majority perspective" is on this I care little about, most
people haven't spent ten minutes thinking about this stuff.
But, just to be clear, I do *not* want what was stated. I've stated
again and again that the majority has the right of decision. I do not
*ever* want a minority to "overturn a majority" unless the majority
consents, and I prefer, greatly, for that consent to be explicit. But
it does mean "a majority of those voting on the question," not some
vague "majority of all eligible voters" or, worse, "majority of those
who vote because they will be tossed in gaol if they don't."
Nevertheless, however they got there, a majority of voters has the
right to make a decision, no matter what the minority think.
However, that's strictly on a Yes/No question. It gets very tricky
when it's a multiple-choice question. If a Range ballot is used, with
approval cutoff, and we have a majority assenting to, say, two
results, and one has higher range sums than the other, should we go
ahead and award the result purely to the highest approval? Or to the
range winner, if that's different? That's a possible ambiguous
situation, and which way it should go could depend on more detail
than I'm presenting.
But what if only one candidate gets majority approval, but by a small
margin, and another candidate has very significantly higher range
scores? I'm saying that it might be worth a runoff!
But to get there, we'd need quite a bit of election history to
analyze. When in doubt, I'd say, hold a runoff! If there is no
majority approved winner, the result is in doubt, and no direct
democratic organization accepts *any* election without a majority --
and they use vote-for-one, normally!
The enemies of Approval and Bucklin claim that voters will truncate,
bullet voting, because of fear of "harming" their favorite. Fine!
That will cause majority failure, sometimes, and a runoff. If voters
like this better than being a little looser with their approvals,
that's quite okay with me. But start collecting the data!
Bucklin in the primary in a runoff system can't do *worse* than top
two runoff, not if voters are at all educated. Even then, I'm not
sure it would be worse. (Uneducated voters may over-approve, but this
may indeed not be harmful in the end.)
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