[EM] Democracy
Fred Gohlke
fredgohlke at verizon.net
Sun Mar 22 09:40:58 PDT 2009
Good Morning, Don
Thank you for your explanation. I do, indeed, agree that the electoral
process must not grant some citizens more power than others. That is
one of my objections to partisan politics: the party elite have a power
denied to the people. They make the political decisions. All the
people are allowed to do is to 'vote' on the decisions made by party
leaders.
Ensuring every member of the electorate has an equal opportunity to
participate in the electoral process and influence the decisions that
affect their lives requires a different approach than the established
method of leaving our political existence in thrall to political
parties, candidates and campaigns. It is easy to say every citizen must
have equal political power, it is more difficult to conceive a way to
establish that premise as an integral part of our electoral process.
Our governmental jurisdictions are comprised of thousands, hundreds of
thousands, and millions of people. Finding a way to empower each of
them in every election, in a practical way, requires a fresh approach.
We know there are people among us who would be exemplary representatives
of our interests, but we don't know who or where they are. We don't
know at which desk, behind which wheel, before which stove, in which
town, down which street are the people with the wit and wisdom,
persuasiveness, integrity, pride, desire, and knowledge and
understanding of our needs to stand up for us and make their presence
felt. We have no means to find the individuals who will thrive and
blossom when they are invited to discuss current and prospective
concerns, when they learn their views find merit among their peers. We
know they are out there. They may be truck drivers or doctors, union
members or athletes, teachers or farmers. Whoever and wherever they
are, it is in our own best interest to find and elevate them.
In addition, the method must be responsive to the many subtle
distinctions in the political attitudes of the people, and the fact that
our interest in politics varies throughout our lives. We can't let the
circumstance cited by James Gilmour, ("... not everyone wants [to] make
their own political decisions, and the proportion in that category is
surprisingly (and disappointingly ?) large.") diminish the opportunity
for those who feel a more vital interest in public administration.
Representing a large number of people with diverse needs and attitudes
is a daunting task. Identifying the best person for the job requires,
on the part of the individual, a desire, and, on the part of the people,
recognition of the person's ability. The two qualities, desire and
ability, are inextricably mixed. However great one's ability may be,
they will not exercise that ability without a desire to do so. On the
other hand, one's desire to influence political events is moot unless it
is supported by recognition that the person has the ability to do so in
the best interests of the people. These are the cornerstones of the
Practical Democracy concept. They give those seeking advancement a
vital interest in their own reputation for competence and, by inference,
integrity.
You voiced a concern that those who do not advance have lost their right
to vote. I don't agree. They have shown that their point of view is
not representative of their peers. Thus, they are, by definition,
unable to speak for their peers.
Even so, whether or not a continuing right to 'vote' exists will depend
on the way Practical Democracy is implemented. There are a number of
considerations not directly addressed in the outline. Although it
mentions the bidirectional nature of the proposal, it does not specify
how that capability should be implemented. It did not, for example,
mention the possibilities for referendum and recall, both of which can
be accomplished with ease. It can also be used to let those who advance
know the wishes of their constituents and leaves open the degree of
compulsion associated with those wishes.
Furthermore, in spite of my personal aversion to the idea, the Practical
Democracy method can be implemented as a nomination procedure rather
than an electoral method. If done that way, the public can vote on the
nominees produced by the process. My objection to this option is
manifold: It subjects the people and the candidates to the flood of
media manipulation that presently dominates election campaigns, and it
requires campaigning for office, with all the evils of corruption and
narcissism that entails. It is better, I think, to let the process act
as a filter that ensures the best of our people reach public office.
Fred Gohlke
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