[EM] Least Additional Votes. The importance of strategy.
MIKE OSSIPOFF
nkklrp at hotmail.com
Mon Mar 14 22:52:53 PST 2005
I'll get to Least Additional Votes after the other issues you brought up:
You wrote:
I guess often also the wish to make election results a linear preference
order is present. This happens although we (in theory) already know that
group preferences can not be presented as a linear preference order
(although individual preferences maybe can). For this reason I don't feel
quite comfortable with Condorcet completion rules that try to re-establish
this linear structure of individual preferences also in the final results
(since that simply is not natural for group preferences).
I reply:
But we can't avoid the matter just by not usng Condorcet. When there's a
circular tie in preferences, electing someone will necessarily mean electing
someone to whom someone else is collectively preferred by the electorate.
Not collecting rankings, or not counting them pairwise merely conceals or
ignores those preference, but they're still there.
Since, with a circular tie, we must elect someone who has a pairwise-defeat,
then why not disregard the defeat that is supported by the fewest people?
You continued:
In the election methods mailing list I have in the recent months observed
lots of discussion on criteria that are related to making the voting methods
as strategy free as possible. Sometimes I have even gotten the impression
that when electing the winner from the candidates in the top loop (Smith
set) it could be anyone in the top loop, as long as the numerous strategy
criteria are fulfilled.
I reply:
Well sure it could, and that depends on what one wants from a voting system.
If someone values certain criteria, then yes, the right choice from the
Smith set is the candidate chosen by a method that meets criteria that one
likes.
You continued:
I guess this has not really been the case
I reply:
Well, it's the case for me, as stated in the previous paragraph of this
reply.
You continued:
, but my point is that one should give high priority to selecting the
candidate that we think is best, and maybe a bit less priority to all the
strategical considerations.
I reply:
Sure, it goes without saying that the best thing would be to choose the
candidate who is best. But the problem is when the voters don't agree on who
is best. I claim that we deviate farthest from the best when we falsify our
preferences, when we bury our favorite and fear to express what we want.
That's why the strategy criteria are important.
You continued:
This is based on the assumption that strategical voting is not that easy in
real life, at least not in elections where the number of voters is large.
I reply:
It happens in every election in the U.S. People say that they're abandoning
their favorite to vote strategically. Millions do so.
You continue:
Many of the strategical voting cases are problematic only in situations
where the voting behaviour of the voters is known. In real life this is
seldom the case.
I reply:
The fact that the voters don't have good information on which to base
strategy has never stopped them from attempting to vote strategically, by
using the unreliable strategic information that they've heard from their tv.
You continue:
With this I want to say that sometimes sim
plicity
and/or "real life need" based rules may be more sensible than detailed
strategy based criteria.
I reply:
But the defensive strategy criteria are very much based on real life need.
That need, indicated by numerous conversaions with demoralized voters, led
me to propose the criteria.
Must quit now. Will ask about Least Additional votes later. But it sounds
like Dodgson, which doesn't do well by criteria, including, but not limited
to, the defensive strategy criteria.
Mike Ossipoff
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